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GenoDynamics

Each one, teach one, then run - Tales of Rwanda, Part 6

4/26/2024

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Note: Between 1999-2004 I traveled around Rwanda during research. Many things happened on my trips and it is only now that I start to share them.

As part of my deal for going to Rwanda, I was supposed to teach some students at the National University of Rwanda at Butare about research methods. It was not exactly clear what I was supposed to do – like everything else.  That was cool though – I was getting a trip to Africa and I would be the first in the family to go there.  

Now, I have a love-hate relationship with teaching.  I love the engagement, the pursuit, watching young minds come alive – preparing to struggle, challenge, overthrow and prosper.  I hate the machine that education has become however: most of my colleagues lectured and did not interact much in the classroom, students want an A and most acquired them (the essence of my teaching method was Socratic with a healthy line of Dewey), most didn’t want to read and most couldn’t write – I’ll just stop there.

The situation had started to slowly kill me.  Every now and then I would come across a jewel of a student: engaged but reflective, hardworking but carefree, troubled but helpful, young but old.  These had become fewer and far between.

In response, I had started to pull back – moving to the dark side: research (or, was it the other way around?).  Regardless, I felt it creep in: fewer written assignments (a pain to grade), fewer books assigned (a pain to pull out of them), fewer questions (more talking to as opposed to talking with for the students weren’t interested).  

Being asked to teach in Rwanda was thus a mixed blessing.  I figured I would give it a shot.

Once in the classroom, it was a different story.  The classroom existed in what looked like a military bunker made of brick and wire fences.  There was a basketball court in front of the Rector’s office (the American equivalent of the University President), a field for “experimentation,” dormitories and other classrooms – all surrounded by jungle and barbed wire.  

The students ranged from ages 18 to 40.  They had very different backgrounds: some had fought in the civil war (not a handbag in sight), some had been abroad the whole time and had just returned and some had been in Rwanda hiding.  Some spoke English, most spoke French and all spoke Kinyarwandan. All the students were neatly dressed and were respectful to a fault.  All had cell phones and grumbled when they were asked to turn them off.  This was somewhat similar to the states until I realized that cell phones here were a life-line in the literal sense.  How could you ask a student to stay off their cell in Rwanda when the next revolution could be coming over the airwaves?  The immediacy simply trumped the courtesy.  We settled on them applying a higher criteria for accepting a call: it had to be “important.”  Over time, they got the point.

All the students were surprised to find out that their instructor was an African American.  They had never seen one and thus whenever they had a chance, they would ask questions about my life and my take on America.  This came later though. At first, they just sat there quizzically.

Socrates did not come to Rwanda with me nor did he already reside there for me to run across.  The Rwandese were used to lecturing.  They were used to being told what to do and how to do it.  Unlike the deferent to authority machines discussed in the Western media, however, once the students were given a chance, prompted and made to feel comfortable, they were full of questions and challenges.  

Interestingly, there was a certain degree of skepticism about statistics and numerical representation –the “you can say anything with numbers” variety. Walking by a chart plotting nose size against ethnic identity that I saw on a wall in a nearby library (provided by the Belgians but replicated elsewhere), I understood how they could come to be this way.  Nevertheless, we pushed on.

What struck me most about the students was that the “children are the future” stuff we always hear in the states is a genuine reality in Rwanda.  These kids literally are the future and much of the present.  These kids are not going to be the farmers who made up the majority of society.  They were going to be the lawyers, entrepeneurs, generals and Rectors who ran it.  They know it and you can see it in their faces, which leads to a certain degree of snootiness.  Now, it is not like interacting with kids from the uppercrust American institutions (Yale, Harvard, Stanford, etc.) but it is in the same ballpark; or, neighborhood of the ballpark.  

These kids had to get it right and so did everyone around them.  Some of this was interest driven but some of it was external.  They were handpicked the way athletes had been in the former Soviet Union, given everything to become the very best that they could be so that they could later serve the state who would continue to allow them to be the very best. Kinda like “Be all that you Can be – or else.”

But, this was not necessarily good for education and knowledge building.  Could you learn something which you thought was used to hold you back?  Could you take it in but not be taken over?  The students evaluated everything that came out of my mouth by some metric of state and nation-building.  Will this help Rwanda?  How?  Can we extract something that is useful from this America?  And, so it went for weeks.

The student’s intensity, the little state and nation-building exercise, the weight of their expectations were energizing.  It was not like interacting with the kids back home at the University of Maryland (where I taught at the time) who were only excited when class was over, moving on to the next mediocre experience.  These kids were hungry.  It was not like interacting with the kids from Ivy League schools either, who now walked around Rwanda as consultants, humanitarian aid workers, bankers and cultural attaches with a combination of derision, awe and compassion on a stick.  Rwanda was off.  Rwanda was raw.  The students followed suit.  Some eye of the tiger like stuff.  

But, if they were the tiger, then who was I: the meat, the zoo keeper, the visitor getting too close to the cage or was I just another animal in the cage daydreaming while someone slipped a needle under my fur to keep me calm and unpredatory?  The students seem to have the same quizzical look directed at me as well, trying to figure me out.  Who was I to them (cue the music
)?  Was I the oppressor in a new package?  Was I some ally who recently found his way to their school in the jungle?  Was I one of the thousands of individuals who came to Rwanda after the violence to pay pennance, soon to leave after I felt my soul had been cleansed?  Or, would I return to keep putting up my strange words and equations on the blackboard, year after year?  On opposite sides of the cage, we looked at each other, wondering who was on which side.      ​

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Archives of the 1994 violence

4/21/2024

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Quite frequently we hear the violence of 1994 as being described in a simple manner where one ethnic group (Hutu) targeted another (the Tutsi).  Indeed, this is now referred to as the "Genocide of the Tutsi" which recently had its 30th anniversary.  For those of us that have been studying this topic, however, this simplistic characterization is far from the truth.  I will share some of this research material here and as you will see the violence was very complex with Hutu being mistaken for Tutsi, with Hutu being lumped in with Tutsi and sometimes with there not being any Tutsi present at all.  

The records that I will share in these posts were given to me by members of the International Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda back when I worked for them in the early 2000s.  After the violence, there were different efforts put forward to acquire eyewitness statements about what had taken place.  These efforts were undertaken between 1994-2000.  The interest of the ICTR Prosecution was initially contextualizing the caseload that they had and trying to assess what they were dealing with.  Eventually, the Prosecution lost interest in this approach and they were no longer interested in my analyses.  The ICTR Defense did have an interest in continuing these investigations, however, and at the courts request we analyzed what they had and it compared it to what we were developing.  The material that they had was impressive.  They had nearly 15,000 eyewitness reports available in English, French and Kinyarwandan.

I told them that I would release these reports when the court cases were finalized so that the world could better understand what happened.  
These reveal the complexities of 1994.  They will shift what you think you know.  They reveal horrific violence and occasionally amazing acts of humanity.  
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Giving til it Hurts - Tales of Rwanda, Part 5 (Repost from 4/29/2013)

4/21/2024

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Note: Between 1999-2004 I traveled around Rwanda during research. Many things happened on my trips and it is only now that I start to share them.

As one leaves an establishment in Rwanda (a restaurant or a hotel) one must invariably prepare themselves for the onslaught of thin, hungry, dirty, scantily dressed but completely adorable children who ask for food or a few francs.  The culture at that time was still essentially Francophone – this would change quickly as the RPF presence increased.  There is little variation however: there are no fat children, none who look healthy, none who appear clean and none of them is fully dressed.  Now, being from New York, I have been approached a million different ways by people in the street: “hey buddy, got a quarter,” “got a light,” “got busfare,” “got my rent in yo pocket,” or “blow for a meal”?  You hear everything.  I have even been approached by kids who just pull your heart strings.  Literally.  They just open you up, pull out veins and start playing.

The situation here is compounded by the sheer volume of the issue.  There is no isolated child like in New York but rather there is a veritable sea of youth.  The onslaught is held back by armed guards, making the place safe for foreigners and those with resources, but once you leave the safety of the establishment – unless you have guards with you or manage to sneak to your vehicle – you have to deal with the kids.

After a while, I could take it, which I was both grateful for and troubled by.  After the umteenth child solicitation, a certain degree of callousness overcomes you in Rwanda.  I really could not function in any other way because there were simply too many children.  The problem was too daunting to contemplate.  My colleague Candace could not take it either but she decided that she was going to cave in completely – albeit reacting to only one at a time.  

Something that became obvious upon closer observation was that there was a system to the solicitation.  While you were approached by a barrage of individuals, if you interacted with one or gave something to one of the children, you were thereafter “owned” by them.  If after marking, another kid interacted with the marked outsider, then it appeared that you could be sanctioned by some regulator with a stone, stick or some harsh words.

Candace was marked by a spry little kid with eyes like midnight, a smile like sunlight and a face like the sky (vast, full of potential and haunting).  He was named Innocent like many people in Rwanda.  You could not help but want to help him.

It was absolutely amazing to see.  Upon coming out of any store on the Butare strip, Candace’s Innocent would find her.  “Madaam…  Madaam…”  He would start, tilt his head to the side and smile – hand out.  Initially, Candace would give him a franc or two but then she came up with a mini-development strategy.  First, she would work on his nutrition: a sandwich instead of a franc, a power bar or a vitamin or two.  Second, she would take him for a visit to a doctor – after the buy-in purchased with a meal.  Then she would talk about school, over a bottle of water or coke.  

Candace was all into his life and he lapped it up.  How could he not?   They both seemed to need each other and you were warmed by the connection. Amidst all the horrible things one saw in Rwanda, if just one life could be improved, things would be just a little more tolerable.  That was the idea at least.  The reality was more complex.  

You see, the children were also marked.  They did not run amok as we thought.  Over a few weeks, I managed to sneak in the back of the Made Niggaz Hair Salon and sat in the front with some people I had met before.  This allowed me to watch where the kids were hanging out as well as where Candace was coming from. 

Watching the street, I could see that there were clics/groups of youth – a gaggle of little capitalistic entrepreneurs.  There were older kids as well – between 15 and 20 who seemed to run the pack.  The leader would gather the youth at the beginning of the day and pass out assignments.  Innocent’s job was seemingly Candace.  He would trail her everywhere – walking, running, hiding, waiting – always placing himself where he could be seen (which after you have been marked becomes easy somehow – it’s like there are no longer a hundred kids in a crowd, just yours).  

At the end of the day, the kids met again to hand over their goodies to their handlers, from the days catch.  There is no joyful enjoyment of the goodies.  There is no gracious handover of the piece of bread to grandma back at the old house in the bush.  Rather, grandma is dead and there is no house but there is a somber handover and reallocation.  After Candace’s giving, all Innocent does is cross the street, turn the corner into an alley and hand over everything he got.  On the way back to the street, he might take a nibble but not too much or else he might get caught.

Why give up the goodies?  Protection.  Fear.  Survival.  Numbers are the only thing that seem to keep you alive on the streets of Rwanda.  You give up to get set up and you get set up to live (not die).  

Seeing this whole process once, by mistake, Candace later mentioned to me that “oh, that’s so cute.  He’s sharing.”  I just looked at her.  She missed his submissive demeanor (it looked like someone waiting to get punished), the look on the older kid’s face of anticipation (it looked like some drug addicted fiend waiting for their fix), the eight or so kids that stood around waiting their turn (reminiscent of the first).  She even missed Innocent’s look on his face after he gave over this prize (like his lunch money was taken that day, like everyone before it – this was actually pretty accurate but the money was not just for lunch).  

At that moment, I realized that we were and were not from the same place.  Later, I realized that she needed to see Innocent share.  To see anything else would be too hard.  I, on the other hand, didn’t need anything but to see what was in front of me.  Both of us were likely wrong.  I needed more of a filter for all this stuff lest I be overcome by it and Candace needed less of one lest she be underwhelmed. 

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Victorians in the Jungle - Tales of Rwanda, Part 4 (Reposting from 4/21/2013)

4/18/2024

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Note: Between 1999-2004 I traveled around Rwanda during research. Many things happened on my trips and it is only now that I start to share them.

“I had a farm in Africa...”   I swear this is how Rosamond Carr began her story.  We had traveled to one of the farthest points in Rwanda to see a genocide site, and we were told that if we were going to be over there, we should stop in and see Ms. Carr who ran an orphanage.  She was well known for she was the oldest consistently present white person in the country (even Pres. Bill Clinton buzzed through on his visit).  Over her 30+ years spent there, she had lived through a great deal: regime change, revolution, civil war, genocide, poverty, regime change, revolution, regime change and civil war. Recently, her plantation/farm had been taken from her during one of these events.  She currently lived in a house provided by Anheiser Busch – the beer people. I have no idea why.

We actually had a hard time getting to Ms. Carr, having been directed to another old white woman in the region.  This was pretty embarrassing - actually.  As we rolled up and were introduced to the roar of several hundred kids penned up behind a fence and playing soccer (for their protection or ours), we knew from Ms. Carr’s picture on the cover of her book that we had the wrong white lady.  She seemed to realize this immediately; with a shrug she said that Ms. Carr was up the road – pointing dismissively.  So as not to offend her, we asked if we could visit with her anyway.  Surprised, she gestured to her man Godfree (not his real name) and we had some tea.

Evidently, she too had been there for quite some time (not as long as Ms. Carr but for a while).  Her orphanage was larger than Ms. Carr’s.  But, lacking a best-selling book and the attending cache, her facility was less well-funded (Ms. Carr received large sums of money).  Interestingly, she was not bitter.  

After touring the facility, we pushed on, laughing about the fact that to Rwandans one ol’ white woman might be the same as another.  

Meeting Ms. Carr was a different matter entirely.  She was from a different era.  She came to Rwanda from a high-profile socialite family on the East coast of the United States with her husband.  He later left her.  Stubborn and not yet ready to leave the country, she decided to stay.  I swear this sounds like Out of Africa, the more I think about it.  There didn’t appear to be any more passion between her and her husband than between Meryl Streep and Robert Redford who were both a bit too stiff for my taste but I digress.  

As for the meeting, Ms. Carr had it all down to a tee.  You came in, met by her man Godfree (not his real name either) – a polite gentleman with white gloves, a white coat, black pants and no shoes (I kid you not).  We introduced ourselves and then were invited to sit.  Godfree brought tea and Belgian chocolates.  By that time, we had been in Rwanda a while and needed a shot of sugar, so we politely wolfed them down.

The drill was simple.  Ms. Carr literally turned to each of us and said “tell me your story” – we evidently were supposed to skip the boring parts.  Each of us complied and she delicately sat there, sipped her tea and actually appeared to listen.  

It was all pretty routine for her until someone in our group talked about where he was from – New Hampshire.  At that moment, the whole interaction changed.  It was as if there was a secret door that had been opened and only Ms. Carr and our colleague went through as the rest of us watched outside the metal gate.  It was classic: he dropped a name or mentioned a store (secret handshake noted), which caused her to glow referencing someone/someplace and they provided additional information about how it changed or stayed the same.  Never before had I seen the Northeastern uppercrust recognition dance/ritual revealed.  Ms. Carr seemed overjoyed that she could once again touch the shores of home with “her” people – she had not been back in quite some time.

Hearing it all, her stay in Rwanda had been quite something.  She talked of the troubles she had lived through and she would occasionally let something slip about how “they” (the Rwandans) needed “our” (Western/civilized) assistance or how “they” tended to have difficulties with one another.  Every now and then, Godfree would check on us.

Godfree invariably brought me back from Ms. Carr’s romantic meanderings.  Indeed, I sat there somewhat overtaken by the whole affair.  Part of me wanted to slap this ol’ racist woman; part of me wanted to listen to her tales of violence and survival; and, part of me wanted to have another piece of chocolate.  I took the latter two options. As I mentioned, I had been in the country for a while by then and needed a lil’ something sweet, a fix; my sense of righteousness was thus depleted.  Hard to fight “the man,” or “the woman” in this case, while hungry, hot and tired.

Truth be told, I was also caught by Ms. Carr’s charm. She seemed vivacious despite her age and it was infectious because she appeared to transport all of us back to her time – well, not completely for I realized that if we went back too far I would end up with Godfree in the kitchen looking at da company as well as da chocolate from a crack in the door.  

When she was done with us, Ms. Carr rose, Godfree appeared from thin air, and we signed our names in her book.  We requested photos, which she granted, posing demurely, gracefully and professionally as though she did this everyday (which, of course, she did).  Mine is provided above.  

Walking out the door, you realized that while she was in Africa, she was very much out of it.  In many ways, the world she had known changed.  Now, the weapons were bigger, migration on a larger scale, desires for rebuilding after the violence more grandiose.  At the same time, it was clear that the world she occupied had not changed at all.  Godfree had probably been serving her for years and she had a beautiful home in the middle of an amazing valley – on lease from a multi-national corporation.

She had a farm in Africa; now the farm seemed to have her. 

Come to think of it, we never did see those damn kids.  Makes you wonder.


Note 1: I am sure there were kids and an orphanage.
Note 2: Ms. Carr passed in 2006.

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Oh Those Crazy Mizungus - Tales of Rwanda, Part 3

4/14/2024

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Note: Between 1999-2004 I traveled around Rwanda during research. Many things happened on my trips and it is only now that I start to share them.  Originally blogged on 4/14/2013

I never thought I was a white man or that people could ever see me in this way.  Well, there was that one conversation with my friend Wycuie at age 14 when I stupidly said that “my people” were French – Huguenots to be precise.  This was the only family history that had been passed to me and not knowing any better, I just mentioned this to him in the heat of some conversation.  To this, Wycuie just looked at me, said nothing about my not being French and left it alone, kinda (Wycuie had a quiet scream that he could wield against you).  I was lost then and he figured that he would let me find my way.  

I was and am an African-American..... well, mostly.  My great grandfather on my father’s side was a Choctaw or Cherokee Indian and my great grandfather on my mother’s side was white (victimizing his servant in the tradition of Strom Thurmond and Thomas Jefferson).  All of the other folks were black and thus, after my Wycuie intervention, I normally stuck with the majority.  So did all the people I interacted with throughout all aspects of my life.

This changed when I went to Rwanda.  There I was Mizungu (Me-sun-goo) – alternatively meaning: a white person, a foreigner, an outsider, money, a mark.  Now this was news to me.  I did not know I was a Mizungu until we pulled up to an orphanage in a remote part of the country.  As we got out of the car, children in the hundreds ran up from where they were playing, screaming “Mizungu, Mizungu!”  

The name/label/insult did not seem threatening.  Somehow I knew it wasn’t “hi” or “nigger,” but I did not know what it was and my interpreters were not telling me.  This was not like the time I was called “Shvartze” by Adam at Junior High School 104 in New York City and all my Jewish “friends” wouldn’t tell me what it meant as they giggled, but it was pretty damn close.

Following that experience, I picked out the word quite frequently from the babble of language that surrounded me – muttered underneath the sound of cars passing by or stepping into a market or café.  

I finally got it one day, however, when we were trying to figure out where we would have lunch.  One of my hosts started to suggest one location, but they quickly withdrew the idea, saying that I would probably not want to go there because it was Rwandan.  I responded that I was in Rwanda and why would I not want to try their food.  They said that some other Mizungu didn’t like it.  I said, “who was that person and what the hell is a Mizungu?”  They then went on to tell me that a Mizungu was someone not from Rwanda.  The other definitions came over the next few minutes.

Now, I was offended because the other person they were comparing me to was a white man from Toronto.  I went off at that point, likely overreacting because of exhaustion, mind-altering medicine and recovering from 400 years of slavery.  I was like, “do you have any idea how insulting that is to an African-American.  I may not have come to Africa to find myself but I sure didn’t come here to get lost.”  [note: I have no problems with either white people or Toronto]

We then had a long conversation about race relations in the West.  Although white Canadians are generally better than American whites on many dimensions when it comes to racism and discrimination, it is still offensive to tell an African American that they are like some anglo-canuck.  “I mean damn,” I continued, “you all are going to have one hell of a time incorporating into the global market if you lump together black people from Manhattan with white people from Toronto.”

Accepting the point (after several days of returning to the issue), my hosts and I went through different ways of qualifying Mizungu to allow for some nuance (otherness with adjectives, as it were).  The top contenders were: NeoMizungu, Blazungu (my favorite) and CocoaMizungu.   Acknowledging that Kinyarwanda is a bit more resistant to innovation than English, we laughed and they said they would try to accommodate my request.

Later on the trip, we were at a museum of Rwandan history and art.  After greeting the attendant, the host paid and walked through the little gate.  After greeting the attendant in the proper Rwandan manner, I pulled out some money and then asked my host some question about someone that we were supposed to meet later.  Upon hearing me speak English, the attendant looked kind of pale and asked my host if I was Mizungu.  He smiled and said yes, afterwhich my fee was tripled - literally, in my face.  Immediately I was pissed, talking about how that wasn’t fair.  Evidently, I greeted the attendant so well and they were used to people coming back to Rwanda from all over the world, I was briefly able to pass.  When I realized that for a second I was an African, I corrected my tone, gladly paid the high fee and went in to see some ancient huts, the Tutsi lineage as well as some assorted historical artifacts from the region.  

Although we both kind of left the topic alone, the Mizungu thing stayed with me; how could it not?  I heard it daily.  As is my way, I started to ponder the idea and make jokes about it.  Actually, after a while and observing stupid little things that foreigners did in Rwanda, I thought that a good comic strip in the locale paper could be called “Oh, Those Crazy Mizungus.”  The show would be set in a school or a bar, hotel, around a travel guide or interpreter who would interact with a wide variety of Mizungus.  As they interacted with them, they would invariably do something inappropriate and when that happened, the whole cast would stop and say “Oh, Those Crazy Mizungus.”  It couldn’t lose.  Several episodes came to mind: working through lunch, coming to places on time, tanning by the pool or misunderstanding the logic behind effective bargaining for a mask. The sheer number of episodes was a source of constant amusement. The thought of this almost made me forget that for a while they thought I was a white man... almost. 
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Rwanda @ 30: A Revisitation of Rwandan violence, politics and economics 30 years after the genocide and internationalized civil war

4/4/2024

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Three decades ago, a great many people believed that President Paul Kagame and those affiliated with the current regime in Rwanda were the key to political and economic development for the country that was devastated by genocide, internationalized civil war, reprisal killings, human rights violations and random violence.  In certain ways, it looks as though the promises have been kept.  Rwanda is generally viewed as a “peaceful" nation where individuals are quite safe to walk the streets (especially in urban centers like Kigali) and the idea of overt collective violence is generally viewed as highly unlikely. In line with most conceptions of political democracy, the political system has engaged in periodic elections with mass participation, there has been extensive inclusion of a group that was previously under-represented in government (i.e., women) and there was discussion of as well as extensive action taken towards reconciliation through the process known as “Gacaca” – this system evaluated and dealt rulings on a million plus individuals. In addition to this, there has been extensive discussion as well as action taken regarding the importance of law.  Domestic issues are not the only place where Rwanda appears to have excelled.  Internationally, the government of Rwanda has offered itself up to assist other nations either by sending peace keepers (i.e., throughout Africa) or housing those seeking asylum (i.e., from the United Kingdom).  Finally, Rwanda has been heralded by some as nothing less than an “economic miracle” providing a shining example of what is possible.  
 
This is the view that one gets when they take a quick look.  The situation becomes much more complicated and less positive when one takes a closer look.  Indeed, 
several of us had a conversation about the last thirty years in an interesting discussion placed online: https://www.mivideo.it.umich.edu/channel/channelid/339658312.  The takeaways for me were quite remarkable and unsettling.   
 
In terms of political violence used domestically (by all actors including the government) it is clear that all forms of overt violence within the borders of Rwanda have declined. The price of this decline, however, is the veritable decimation of civil society and individual freedom.  Across diverse databases (e.g., the Political Terror Scale, the Cingranelli and Richards Human Rights Dataset and the Varieties of Democracy Project), it is clear that Rwanda experienced very high levels of human rights violation and civil liberties restriction over that last 30 years just declining in the last 5 to 10.  In addition to this, political power (i.e., the ability to create as well as implement policy across domains) has increasingly become concentrated in a single individual with no other political party or individual attempting to challenge Kagame being able to avoid persecution, harassment, exile or elimination. One can only speculate that the restrictions and intimidation of the ethnic majority Hutu has led to extensive resentment which could lead to another outbreak of resistance and collective violence if the government were to show any weakness – this actually justifies the continuation of extensive domestic repression. As a consequence, while some manifestations of violence are now unlikely (e.g., civil war or revolution), other manifestations of violence were involved in getting there (e.g., crimes against humanity, genocide, atrocities as well as human rights violation) and still other manifestations of contention have been rendered more likely (e.g., sabotage, terrorism, flight or internal withdrawal until the opportunity for change emerges [perhaps best signified by the high levels of unhappiness reported by the population]). Externally, there are numerous episodes of violent behavior that have been associated with the current government. There have been repeated direct incursions from the existing Rwandan government into the Congo under the guise of responding to the looming threat presented by former genocidaires but this situation is complicated by accusations of the Rwandans also being in country to extract resources. There has been indirect incursion from the existing Rwandan government as well through their support for M-23 rebels. There has been consistent effort to return political opponents from around the world back to Rwanda on the basis of government accusation regarding participation in genocide alone.  Recently revealed through the Paul Rusesabagina and Pegasus case, there has also been a global network of covert repressive activityidentified which seeks to identify, constrain or eliminate political threats.  This is added to the efforts to discredit all of those who challenge the regime through extensive use of marketing as well as political/legal leverage.  
 
The political system is, at best, now consistently characterized as autocratic in nature if not fully personalist in the nomenclature of more recent work or, invoking an older conception, “totalitarian” with increasingly negative evaluations coming back regarding election fraud and limited rule of law (again placed on global display during the Rusesabagina trial).  Most human rights groups who monitor political institutions now clearly place Rwanda in a non-democratic category.  Perusing the hundreds of characteristics found in the Varieties of Democracy project or Polity Project or Freedom House, one is struck by the increasing consistency of this position.  Most prominently, the shift has occurred over three elections which left Kagame the leader of the country but amidst serious questions about even the possibility of political competition in the evolving Rwandan landscape and serious concerns regarding the magnitude of each victory with 99% of the vote in the last election of 2017.  The future suggests more of the same. Kagame has already declared that he will run for a fourth term which he is officially allowed to do since he successfully altered term limits.  This would leave him in power to at least 2034, if not longer. In many respects, the myth of Rwanda political system as something to emulate has been tarnished.  They are less the darling of the foundation world.  Even American Universities, once a place where Kagame would consistently find a willing audience, has begun to step away from him.
 
And finally, once believed to be a developmental model, over the last 30 years Rwanda has revealed itself to be something of a developmental failure. Indeed, the economic system has been identified as one of the poorest 25 on the planet.  Not only has there been no economic miracle but the Rwandan economy has been exposed to be largely propped up by foreign aid.  What is intriguing is that this is nothing new. Rather, it has been found that the level of aid to Rwanda was more or less comparable to what other “poor”, “indebted” and “fragile” nations received. This makes the miracle more of an artifact than a reality.  Data has emerged to reveal that key individuals manipulated information to make it look as if development had taken place.  Moreover some scholars have noted that one could view “amazing growth” in the Rwandan economy as something largely derived from the exceptionally low starting point it began from in 1994.
 
And thus we arrive at the thirtieth anniversary of Rwanda’s emergence from political violence with many more questions.  How much leeway and freedom to act should political leader’s be given in their efforts to recover from massive human tragedy? How could Kagame get away with the failures across violence, politics and economics noted above?  While individuals in the Times like Anjan Sundaram have highlighted Kagame’s ability to use shame and guilt to hinder scrutiny from the West, there is an alternative explanation.  It is the principle of “commitment escalation” – once humans have committed to something (like backing an individual or institution to remedy a problem) rather than open themselves up to updating and new information, they double down on the earlier decision, they close themselves off to new insights as well as updating and they even will attack those challenging their earlier judgement.  I was once told regarding my research Rwanda (trying to understand what took place during 1994) that I would be hated for what I was doing.  Not because I was wrong mind you but because the horror and evil of Rwandan political violence and the desire to have Paul Kagame and the Rwandan Patriotic Front deal with the problem was so clear in the popular imagination that it would not easily let go of it.  Clearly some have moved in this direction. The revelations across the themes identified above have revealed massive shifts over time.  Clearly thirty years later, there are still some minds yet to be changed.  There are still some invitations, aid decisions and humanitarian efforts yet to be reconsidered.  Hopefully it will not take another thirty years to shift these as well.

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    Prof. Christian Davenport (University of Michigan), Prof. Allan Stam (University of Virginia) and guests will provide information about Rwandan political violence and mass political violence more generally.

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